Welcome to my blog

April 4th, 2008

Hi, brothers and sisters, welcome to my blog!

This blog is dedicated to you with the purpose of understanding and participating in social reform. Your invaluable feed-backs in terms of suggestions, opinions and comments would be very much appreciated.

The Malaysian society is meant for all Malaysians and the process of globalisation has brought us closer to reality more than ever before. People do not take official announcements at their face value any more and only truth would prevail as there are many modern channels to uncover truth.

Social reform is an on-going process as people are always on a look out for improvement. Hence constant social reform is the motto of this blog! Let’s be frank and open in our discussion for the betterment of mankind!

Tunku Left DAP For Its Culture Begins to Recede

May 18th, 2012

Some might think it would be alright just by calling Tunku names, accusing him of being bribed by BN. No way! If DAP goes on this way, it will only find itself sink deeper and deeper into the quagmire. Tunku joined DAP all because of an aspiration, thinking his move could propel the nation’s democracy and progress. Lim Kit Siang can testify on this. When this party begins to lose its ideals to favouritism and utilitarianism, its culture begins to recede.

By TAY TIAN YAN, Sin Chew Daily

Lim Kit Siang said: My heart’s broken!

Anyone who cares about DAP will be equally broken-hearted.

I received a text message from a senior DAP leader, telling me Tunku Abdul Aziz’s departure dealt a serious blow on the party. It took DAP a whole lot of effort to inch towards a multiracial entity and now all the transformation effort has gone down the drain.

Sure enough the liberal and democratic image the party has championed over the years has now become widely questionable.

I replied his text message: The damage has been wrought. If lessons could be drawn and flaws fixed, a bright future is still beckoning ahead, but if the party remains recalcitrant, it may some day lose all its people.

He replied: Your view is noted. Hopefully the party will wake up!

Indeed this friend of mine has taken note but not majority of DAP leaders and supporters. Many are still in the dark what has actually happened to the party, in fact a rather serious thing.

Some might think it would be alright just by calling Tunku names, accusing him of being bribed by BN.

No way! If DAP goes on this way, it will only find itself sink deeper and deeper into the quagmire.

Tunku joined DAP all because of an aspiration, thinking his move could propel the nation’s democracy and progress. Lim Kit Siang can testify on this.

When this party begins to lose its ideals to favouritism and utilitarianism, its culture begins to recede.

Tunku’s resignation could be just a blasting fuse, a more profound factor being the populism and fanaticism that are beginning to take shape within the party in recent years. These people are eager to drfit with popular sentiments, and lose the rational thinking and democratic traits the party enshrines.

As if that is not enough, DAP has found itself infiltrated by a bunch of mundane folks lacking in both democratic qualities and political ideologies.

As these people ascend the leadership ladder, they begin to create issues and foes while engaging themselves in all sorts of seditious and provocative tricks, causing the moderate thinking to feel disgruntled and disenchanted.

Under the spell of populism and fanaticism, the party surrenders its capacity to think and debate logically, rendering it less tolerant to criticisms.

While the Tunku incident might appear on surface as an aftermath of the Bersih 3.0 rally, or even some may say he acted on the spur of the moment, similar incidents would still get exposed and erupt anyway if not for the Bersih rally or Tunku.

Having won unprecedented triumph in the last general election, DAP has since failed to entrench its cultural connotation and ideologies, basking instead in public cheers and a sense of well-being. It has tripped into the trap of its own victory.

In the short term the party can still win the hearts of people chronically unhappy with the BN government, but bear in mind that politics is a marathon race, and the real race is just about to be flagged off when its rivals shift strategies.

That is when a party’s objectives and ideals will have the say on its eventual competitiveness.

The departure of Tunku Abdul Aziz signifies the banishment of DAP’s ideals, and once these are gone, the party will be left with nothing but a hollow shell.

Guan Eng might have missed the opportunity to keep Tunku, but if he realises what has gone wrong and is ready to bring back the party’s ideals and put it back on the right track, chances are still on his side.

Police Report On Alleged LGE’s “Offer”

May 18th, 2012

NST News

Queen’s Speech, Liberal Democrats And Reforms

May 11th, 2012

Today, I received a letter from my party leader, Nick Clegg. Since Umno will be celebrating its anniversary tonight where Najib Tun Razak will probably be delivering his ‘policy’ speech, I thought the Umno members would like to compare how the two party leaders talk. While you in Malaysia are talking merely about electoral reforms, we in the UK are talking about constitutional and political reforms.

From NO HOLDS BARRED

By Raja Petra Kamarudin

Dear Petra,

Today’s Queen’s Speech has again shown that the Liberal Democrats are punching way above their weight – and we can be proud of that.

It included many of the long-term reforms we’ve campaigned for, such as reform of the banks. These will help build a sustainable future for our country.

In 2010, we took the decision together to enter into a Coalition Government so we could do the right thing for the country at a time of economic crisis. Today we’ve focused on helping families and supporting growth and jobs.

Vince Cable will regulate the banks so they can no longer be in a position to hold the country to ransom when their financial gambles don’t pay off. And Ed Davey will establish the world’s first Green Investment Bank and introduce electricity market reform to protect consumers, support low-carbon energy and invest in renewables.

We’re also helping some of the most vulnerable people in our society. Steve Webb will help pensioners by introducing a flat-rate pension. We’ll propose a way to modernise adult care and support, finally ensuring dignity in old age.

Today also clearly set out our collective determination to reform the House of Lords, an historic commitment of our party.

There’s so much more I could highlight: Sarah Teather’s work on improving support for children with special educational needs, our support for flexible working and shared parental leave and our proposals to strengthen the hand of farmers and other suppliers of supermarkets through an independent adjudicator.

This Queen’s Speech has a firm Liberal Democrat stamp on it, delivering on what we’ve passed at Conference and pounded the pavements and knocked on doors for.

Best wishes,

Nick Clegg MP

Leader of the Liberal Democrats and Deputy Prime Minister

*****************************************

State Opening of Parliament: The Queen’s Speech 2012
The Queen’s Speech 2012 included many of the long-term reforms Liberal Democrats have been fighting for, such as reform the banks, a Green Investment Bank and supporting families and children.

These reforms will help build a sustainable future for our country. The Coalition Government’s plans will offer help and support to families, small businesses and communities, protect the environment, as well as reaffirming our commitment to helping the poorest nations.

In 2010, Liberal Democrats joined the Coalition Government to act in the long-term national interest. Our most urgent task was to tackle the record deficit left to us by Labour and we’re continuing this work today.

We have already made some tough choices, and we will continue to make sure we keep spending down so, unlike the rest of Europe, families can benefit from low interest rates and Britain is protected from the global debt storm.

The key themes from the 2012 Queen’s Speech are:

Economic Growth
Justice
Constitutional reform
1. Banking Reform
This Bill reflects a longstanding record of Liberal Democrat action to reform the banking sector. It will deliver greater financial stability by finally separate retail banking, on which households and small business rely, from the more risky investment activity. This acts on the recommendations of the independent Vickers Commission. It will insulate personal finance from global financial shocks and make banks easier to resolve without taxpayer support.

2. Single Tier Pension
A flat-rate pension is simple, progressive and ensures women and low-paid workers in particular get a fair deal. Liberal Democrats have long campaigned for these reforms and they represent the most radical changes to the State Pension system in our lifetime: making it fairer and simpler for the next generation. Steve Webb’s Single Tier Pension Bill achieves this by combining the basic State Pension and State Second Pension in to a single tier state pension, currently worth around £140 a week.

3. Parental Leave (Children and Families Bill)
The Coalition Government have previously announced proposals for a new system of flexible parental leave and an extended right to request flexible working. These changes are necessary to reflect modern family life but they also serve solid economic purposes. By extending an individual’s ability to combine work and family life, fewer people will drop out of the labour market, losing their skills and prospects in the process.

4. Special Educational Needs (Children and Families Bill)
This will put Sarah Teather’s work on improving support in schools for disabled children and children with special educational needs. The Bill will bring in a single, simple assessment procedure for 0-25 year olds. It will provide statutory protections up until 25 in further education, instead of cutting it off at 16 and give parents or young people the right to a personal budget. Lastly, it will require local authorities and health services to jointly plan and commission services for children and families.

5. Social Care
This is a draft Bill and will set out what support people could expect from Government and what action the Government would take to help them to plan, prepare and make informed choices about their care. These proposals will deliver on the Liberal Democrat commitment to modernise care, allow local authorities to fit services around needs and outcomes and give people greater choice by making it easier for people to plan for future care needs. This will finally bring together a patchwork of legislation dating back to the 1948 National Assistance Act, creating sustainable system for our ageing population.

6. Energy Bill
This Bill will support private sector investment in low-carbon power generation. This will help to provide greater security of energy supply, ensure lower consumer energy bills in the face of escalating world oil and gas prices and secure the Liberal Democrat commitment to reduce carbon emissions by 80% by 2050. It will secure the estimated £110 billion of investment in power generation by 2020 creating thousands of jobs in all parts of the UK.

7. House of Lords
Reforming the House of Lords has been an historic commitment of the Liberal Democrats: our predecessors first proposed it when the Queen’s grandfather was on the throne. While the Government rightly focuses on growth, that doesn’t mean you can’t reform politics at the same time. The case for reform is clear: in a democracy people should have power over politicians rather than give party leaders the power to stuff a chamber full of supporters.

The current situation is untenable:
The House of Lords is an overstocked chamber, where you’re more likely to be older than 90 than under 40.
Just fifteen countries worldwide use appointment as the predominant means of selection to the upper house, including Jordan, Belize, Trinidad and Tabago, and Burkino Faso.
The only other country in the world where the hereditary element still exists is Lesotho.
Each member is entitled £300 for each day they attend. If everyone attends, the current cost would be almost £1m a week.
8. Grocery Code Adjudicator Bill
This is a Bill to get a fair deal for British farmers and to target ‘Trolleygarchs’ and help small business and independent traders. The independent adjudicator will ensure suppliers are treated fairly and lawfully by supermarkets.

9. Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Bill
This Bill will deliver on a long-standing Liberal Democrat commitment by setting up the Green Investment Bank. It will also reform competition law by creating a single Competition and Markets Authority, take action on director’s pay and reduce burdens on business by repealing unnecessary legislation.

10. Defamation Bill
This Bill will strengthen free speech and delivers on our manifesto commitment to reform libel laws. The bill will prevent Britain becoming a haven for ‘libel tourism’ and ensure that the threat of libel proceedings is not used to frustrate robust scientific and academic debate, or to impede responsible investigative journalism. It will also create a balance in the law – ensuring that people who are defamed are able to protect their reputation, but that free speech is not trampled on.

11. Justice and Security Bill
The Bill will strengthen oversight of the security and intelligence agencies. Last year, we published a Green Paper with a range of options including extending the existing use of closed proceedings in civil damages cases. Those claims cannot currently be heard there because of the quantity of national security sensitive information involved. We have listened carefully to the consultation responses and will publish a Bill in due course.

12. Draft Communications Data Bill
This Bill aims to maintain the ability of law enforcement agencies to access vital communications data under strict safeguards. There will be full pre-legislative scrutiny on communications data proposals before anything final or concrete is introduced. Though the format is still to be decided, there will be the chance to fully examine the proposals, to ensure that they are both necessary and proportionate, and to call expert witnesses from industry and civil liberties groups. It will also look at the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act (RIPA) to see if the protections we have around the use of communications data are enough and how we might strengthen them.

13. Crime and Courts Bill
In addition to setting up the National Crime Agency, this Bill contains a marker for any legislation needed as a result of the consultation into community sentences. Our intention is to reform community sentences so that they are a genuine alternative to custody. This ‘rehabilitation revolution’ will extend the use of restorative justice and improve treatment for people with alcohol or drug addictions, or other mental health problems. It will also allow us to improve the flexibility of community sentences so that offenders can maintain an education, a job, or childcare duties while undertaking their punishment. The Bill will also reform the judiciary – making it more flexible, more diverse and appointments more transparent.

14. Draft Water Bill
This Bill will implement the reforms set out in the December 2011 Water White Paper. This will reform the water industry and deregulate markets to enable consumers to negotiate better services from the water companies. It also includes environmental measures such as new controls on abstracting water from rivers.

BN Leads Support at Federal Level in the Next Round

May 10th, 2012

According to Nicholas Wong of Malaysiakini, nearly half of Malaysians would vote for Barisan Nasional (BN) in the upcoming general election, a survey by Universiti Malaya Centre for Democracy and Elections (UMCEDEL) has found.

The findings seem to suggest that Pakatan has a long way to go before capturing Putrajaya, and that fence-sitting voters will play a key role in the upcoming election.

In addition, Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak’s various policies have found broad support, with up to two-thirds of respondents expressing favour.

The survey found that at the federal level, BN had the support of almost half the electorate at 49 percent, while Pakatan Rakyat only managed 21 percent.

A large portion of voters remained fence-sitters, with 30 percent of respondents unsure of their support.

Respondents were also asked if various programmes initiated by Najib would increase their support towards BN.

Among other things, 68 percent of respondents voiced approval of his Kedai Rakyat 1Malaysia programme, while a whopping 74 percent approved of the 1Malaysia Clinic programme.

The results further complicate Pakatan’s ambitions of forming the federal government after the next general election, given the electorate’s embrace of the prime minister’s various initiatives.

Pakatan strong in Selangor, slipping in Perak

A majority of Chinese and Indians would vote for Pakatan in Selangor, but Malay support is split evenly between Pakatan and BN, the survey found.

Sixty percent of Indians and 49 percent of Chinese respondents said they would support Pakatan in the state, compared to just 20 percent and 16 percent in favour of BN.

However, both parties have similar support among the Malays, with BN having a slight edge at 34 percent to Pakatan’s 33 percent.

Meanwhile in Perak, Pakatan faces an uphill battle to recapture the state it won in 2008, before BN wrested it back in 2009.

BN obtained the majority support of every race, with Indian support particularly high at 67 percent. In contrast, Pakatan only managed 5 percent with Indians.

The ruling coalition also has an edge with Malay and Chinese voters, with 36 percent and 35 percent to Pakatan’s 30 percent for both races respectively.

However, just as many Malay and Chinese voters remain undecided at 34 percent and 35 percent, suggesting that Pakatan still has a shot at reclaiming the state in the next general election.

The survey also found Pakatan retaining support in Kelantan, with 44 percent of respondents in its favour to BN’s 27 percent.

In Kedah, Pakatan captured the majority support of Chinese and Malay respondents, while BN was much more popular with Indians.

The survey was conducted among 2,282 randomly-chosen respondents in proportion to the racial breakdown of the country.

It has a margin of error of about 2.1% and was conducted between March 30 and April 15.

A full report is accessible at http://umcedel.um.edu.my/images/umcedel/doc/PRU13-WEB.pdf

Hudud will be implemented if Pakatan Rakyat comes to power, said Hadi Awang

May 10th, 2012

(NST) – Hudud will be implemented if Pakatan Rakyat comes to power but it will only be for Muslims, while non-Muslims will be given an option whether they want to be subjected to the law, said Pas president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang.

However, he said, if they won in Terengganu, the implementation of hudud in the state would be deferred until unemployment and minimum wage problems were settled.

“We will implement it on Muslims first. Figh (Islamic jurisprudence) books provided for it to be implemented on Muslims, while non-Muslims be given an option (whether to follow), as gazetted in the Syariah Criminal Law of Kelantan and Terengganu (and) it was formulated and passed by the state assembly.”

Hadi was responding to a question on whether hudud would be implemented if Pakatan came to power as he had mentioned in his ceramah that DAP had voiced its opposition to it. He was speaking after a ceramah session here on Tuesday.

However, he declined to say where DAP stood on the issue and said the question should be addressed to DAP leaders.

He added hudud would not be implemented in Terengganu until poverty, unemployment and the minimum wage were settled.

“First things first. We will give priority to poverty eradication. Hudud cannot be implemented before the implementation of a minimum wage.

“If someone steals because his salary is not enough, we cannot implement hudud (on him) because the conditions were not met.”

He said Pas had discussed hudud with all parties, including Umno, since the 1970s.

“When Pas was in Barisan Nasional, there was a national seminar where the late Prof Ahmad Ibrahim presented a paper. Tun Salleh Abas also presented a paper.”

Ahmad was the Universiti Malaya Law Fculty dean in the 1970s and later became the dean of International Islamic University Law faculty. Salleh was a former Lord President of the Federal Court of Malaysia.

Is this what you called “Bersih”?

May 8th, 2012

Bersih 3.0 violence marks a turning point

May 8th, 2012

By Helen Ang’s blogs at http://helenang.wordpress.com

Indians choosing to stay home leaves the arena to the two major races, Malay and Chinese.

Aliran, the NGO that organized the Penang Bersih 3.0 chapter of Duduk Bantah, carried in their website an eyewitness account by one ‘Bersih Mum’ on the conduct of the rally in Kuala Lumpur.
‘Bersih Mum’ is from Subang Jaya – a middle-class, strongly pro-opposition suburb. She wrote: “… to my Indian brothers and sisters … Anneh, Thamby, where were you? We missed you-lah at Bersih 3.0”.
Her observation on Indians ‘missing in action’ is corroborated by independent monitors, including the Human Rights Party. A HRP statement said that YouTube videos, photographs via e-mail and in Facebook as well as feedback received revealed “the very thin Indian participation”.
“Reporters on the ground also communicated the same thing to us,” said the HRP leadership.
A Hindraf analyst who requested anonymity pointed to the race disparity of the latest Bersih edition.
While the consensus is that the Indian presence was certainly negligible and unreflective of their seven-plus percentage in the national population, the analyst said the Chinese on the contrary made an unusually strong showing.
For the first time in the history of Malaysians taking to the street since 1969, the Chinese and Malay turnout respectively with regard to Bersih 3.0 was estimated at almost half-half. This disproportion bucks the country’s race ratio wherein the 2010 population census indicated Malay 54.6%, Chinese 24.6% and Indian 7.3%.
Other Hindraf activists I spoke to similarly backed the findings of the informal survey of who (ethnicity wise) had taken part. The usual suspects from the Indian-majority Parti Sosialis Malaysia made their presence felt but it was the conspicuous Indian absence that spoke volumes.
Indians choosing to stay home leaves the arena to the two major races, Malay and Chinese.
Ethnic polarity
It is common knowledge that our security forces are predominantly Malay. However, in Bersih 3.0, the confrontation between the authorities in uniform and the agitators was not Malay versus Chinese but Malay versus Malay. The more than 50 suspects linked to the outbreak of violence and wanted by police for questioning were almost all Malay-looking with only a handful of exceptions.
Although Chinese protesters thronged the streets around Jalan Sultan (Chinatown) and anti-Lynas Himpunan Hijau members swarmed the KLCC area, they managed to avoid notable skirmishes with the police.
Thus the Chinese-Malay polarity vis-à-vis Bersih is not a physical manifestation but lies more in the mindset and was most tellingly illustrated by the spat between the DAP vice chairman and the party secretary-general.
Tunku Abdul Aziz Ibrahim is an “anak polis” (coming from a ‘police family’). His father was former OCPD of Alor Setar. Thus the take by Tunku Aziz on Bersih’s potential for violence diverged from his Chinese party colleagues, and his dissident stance earning him a sharp rebuke from Lim Guan Eng.
Most Malays have close friends or at least a relative if not more in the police and army, and this is where they deviate from the Chinese. In view of the pro- /anti-establishment bias aligned along racial affiliations, it was a wise decision by Indians to strategically sit out Bersih.
Why should the mousedeer want to be caught in the middle when two elephants fight?
We can interpret the fence-sitting to be due to Bersih’s demands – a few of which are abstract in nature – failing to resonate with working-class Indians more concerned with pressing bread-and-butter issues.
A regular commenter at my blog wondered aloud as to what it would take to satisfy the protesters. With tongue in cheek, he declared the government should indeed fulfil Bersih’s 7th and 8th demands, viz. “stop corruption”, and put a halt to “dirty politics”.
My blog reader challenged: “Perhaps Najib [Razak] should suspend the democratic process until Ambiga [Sreenevasan] and her friends are satisfied that all the 8 demands have been met. The PM should take Bersih 3.0 seriously, no GE [general election] until all the 8 demands are met!”
His rhetorical flourish is intended as a counterfoil to highlight the impossibility of guaranteeing the whole Bersih wish list.
I agree with his calling Bersih’s bluff. As long as corruption remains with us and politics is dirty, don’t hold the general election. Postpone it indefinitely just as how the DAP party elections have been deferred in recent years, why not?
What Bersih really wants
Then there is the matter of Bersih 3.0 shifting the goalposts. From the initial eight demands, the movement has upped the ante by holding the government to ransom with the threat of more street demonstrations to rock the capital.
Ambiga and her steering committee are now demanding the resignation of the entire Election Commission. How reasonable is that? The EC is a legally constituted agency and the entity with which to hold any negotiation. Asking for the EC’s removal is alike to overturning the discussion table.
In pointing the gun, there seems to be hidden motives other than seeking a remedy for our electoral shortcomings. No wonder then that former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad finds “the real objective” of Bersih questionable.
“Sunday’s Bersih 3 demonstration is no doubt the biggest and the most violent in the series,” stated Dr M unequivocally.
His is a view shared by the prime minister and other BN figures, and naturally echoed throughout the state media where Najib was widely quoted as describing the rally to be an attempt to topple the government.
“They wanted to make Dataran Merdeka like the Tahrir Square in Egypt,” he said.
The Star also reported an announcement by Inspector-General of Police Ismail Omar that his men “have started an investigation to identify the mastermind behind the so-called attempt to overthrow the government by way of the [Bersih 3.0] demonstration”.
While the appeal to stability is admittedly an old chestnut, still, non-partisan bystanders are beginning to ask if the Pakatan is stable enough.
Politics is about compromise but with the opposition troika, this ingredient appears to be lacking.
Race-religion divide
Mahathir the maverick has opted to ring the alarm bells; clanging that future Bersih masses are likely to be “even bigger and more violent”.
Another top ex-cabinet minister Daim Zainudin is more shadowy but no less influential. Although he speaks softly, oppositionists should not forget that the elites and Umno vested interests carry a big stick.
In an interview with Nanyang Siang Pau in late March, Daim warned that “Malaysia is akin to walking the tightrope, almost half the time is spent on maintaining balance on the wire”.
He opined the above in the context of the 80% Chinese support for Pakatan calculated by his intelligence, in contrast to Malay and Indian voters generally preferring Barisan Nasional.
Most Chinese make the mistake of misreading the surface quiescence of the Malay grassroots as a tolerance of the DAP push and push and push. They appear ignorant of the Malay proverb ‘air tenang jangan disangka tiada buaya’.
It’s not difficult to fathom why the Chinese are so clueless. One viral Bersih 3.0 clip which has easily registered more than half a million views to date (in total from several separate video uploads of the same incident) hammers home the point.
The video(s) shows an altercation between a Chinese woman in the Bersih yellow and a journalist attached to a “non-Western, foreign channel which broadcasts internationally”.
According to the man’s account of the story, “she seemed to pick me out from the group of journalists at the front line because I was the only obvious foreigner among them. She began shouting at me, (she had been shouting about various things from the beginning, like pushing the protesters to enter Dataran Merdeka)”.
In her verbal assault, the woman screams, “You’re corrupted, corrupted” at the man whom she calls “you white idiot”.
The man retorted: “Saya orang Islam. Saya tinggal di sini. Isteri saya orang Malaysia. Jangan biadab kau.”
There have been a couple of thousand comments in Malay on YouTube to this. DAP followers should read these responses as the public reaction bears closer examination.
By asserting he is Muslim, the journalist immediately got the crowd on his side but this tactic also signals an implicit demarcation of ‘us’ and ‘them’. By virtue of being Muslim, he is an insider; through grating Malay onlookers with her pretentious English inflection, the woman is perceived as alien and thus perpetuating the ‘pendatang’ name-calling.
Coupled with the fact that he spoke in our national language whereas she spoke in English, the foreigner had the YouTube community cheering him on while the woman was vilified with racist epithets.
Danger of riots
DAP has been assiduously flogging photos of participants passing each other water and salt in order to promote their propaganda that the Bersih event engendered a new camaraderie crossing racial lines.
In truth, such assistance given each other is only situational. For example, if I saw a writhing dog or a cat on the road that had been run over, I’d help it too – an action across specie lines, no less.
The DAP yellow shirts should instead take note of the anti-Chinese sentiments expressed by YouTube users where almost none credited the said Chinese woman with an ability to speak Malay.
During the civil war in northern Ireland (1968-1994), the Irish Catholics and Protestants – same nationality, same race, same language, same religion and only separated by denomination – were killing each other.
In Malaysia where we pronouncedly belong to different races, different religions and not even effectively sharing a common tongue, don’t you think that the situation is more volatile?
Even the developed democracies are sounding their doubts about multiculturalism.
In mid-October of 2010, German chancellor Angela Merkel admitted “the approach [to build] a multicultural [society] … has failed, utterly failed.” The crowd gathered in Potsdam greeted her remarks with a standing ovation.
Nicolas Sarkozy, the then French President, declared on Feb 10, 2011 in a nationally televised debate that multiculturalism was “a failure”. Sarkozy’s complaint on how France had been “too concerned about the identity of the person who was arriving and not enough about the identity of the country that was receiving him” is something that Malays might endorse quite enthusiastically.
Preceding him was the British prime minister – quoted in a BBC report on Feb 5, 2011 headlined ‘State multiculturalism has failed, says David Cameron’ – lamenting “We have even tolerated these segregated communities behaving in ways that run counter to our values.”
The anti-immigrant current in Western Europe has not abated. Earlier in the opening round of the French presidential election, the far right’s Marine Le Pen collected a remarkable 18% of the votes, nipping at the heels of Sarkozy (27%) and François Hollande (29%).
Yesterday, ‘The Economist’ ran a copy that said ethnic Chinese and Thais were deliberately targeted by the insurgents who exploded car bombs in Ruammit Road in Muang district of Yala. The March 31 blasts killed 11 people and injured more than a hundred.
Yala, together with its sister provinces Songkhla, Pattani and Narathiwat in southern Thailand where Muslim guerrillas continue to wage a separatist war, has recorded 128 deaths and 657 injuries in the first quarter of this year alone from the militancy.
Dr M cautioned that “[t]he average Malaysian always think what happens in other countries will not happen here” but the “possibility [of shattered peace] is not farfetched”.

Raja Petra’s Open Letter to Tunku Abdul Aziz of DAP

May 8th, 2012

I started this piece by laying out your track record to remind all of us that you have contributed immensely to the nation. However, that one slip, if I may be permitted to call it that, is going to tarnish everything that you have done. Malaysians will never remember the 1,000 good things that you did. They will only remember the one thing that you did, which they do not agree with.

NO HOLDS BARRED

Raja Petra Kamarudin

Dear Tunku, in 1998, you helped found Transparency International-Malaysia, the local chapter of Transparency International (TI), and soon after that you were elected the vice chairman of TI’s Board of Directors, a position you held until October 2002.

No one can deny the role you played in fighting corruption and in promoting good governance in the Asia region, including propagating corporate governance, something severely lacking in Malaysia. Being a member of the Kedah Royal Family, that also links you to His Majesty the Agong, although you may be not that closely linked to the ruling family.

You served as a member of the World Bank High Level Advisory Group on Anti-Corruption in the East Asia and Pacific Region, the Asia Pacific Advisory Panel on Good Urban Governance, the Board of the International Institute of Public Ethics, and the United Nations Development Programme Advisory Panel for the 2002 Human Development Report.

From February 2006 to January 2007, you served in New York as special advisor to the Secretary General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan. During your tenure, you set up the UN Ethics Office.

These are certainly most impressive credentials by any standards and it is no wonder that DAP not only wanted you as its member but immediately appointed you as the party Vice Chairman on top of that.

I must admit, though, that I was quite puzzled as to why you decided in 2008 to become politically active. For 14 years you had fought for the same thing that we are fighting for. And, just like many of us, you chose to fight outside the political arena rather than within it. Then you went and became a politician.

Knowing your background and understanding how you think, I suspected that you may not have the political culture required to become a good politician, although how one would define ‘good’ is another matter altogether.

My late father was born in 1925. You were born nine years later in 1934. You studied in England, as did my father. You worked for a British multi-national, as did my father. And both you and my father are not only members of the royal family but are pre-Merdeka Malays — where Malays of that era, especially those from the elite class and products of a British education, were more English than Englishmen.

Hence, while I do not know you that well — I only met you in 2008 — I do know what my father was like and I do understand what made Malays, in particular ‘elite’ Malays of that era, tick. And unless I am terribly wrong, you probably have the same heart and mind as my father. And because of that you are certainly not suited for a career in politics.

Please do not get me wrong, Tunku. My father hated Umno, although almost all his contemporaries joined Umno and became members of the new post-Merdeka government in 1957. There was hardly a single corporate chief, senior civil servant, or political leader of that era who did not know my father. But he refused to join the government either as a civil servant or a politician. He just did not believe in politics.

That did not mean he did not vote though. And he not only voted but he voted opposition as well, Gerakan to be precise. But that was only because Gerakan was then an opposition party and a party of what he regarded as intellectuals from a mixed-racial background.

My father was already 1Malaysia and anti-Umno long before the concept became popular. Unfortunately, my father died in 1971 before he could retire or else I believe he may have even become politically active with the opposition had he lived until retirement age, like you did, Tunku. Sometimes I think it is maybe fortunate that he died in 1971 before he could see Gerakan join Barisan Nasional, which, I am sure, would have broken his heart.

My father was so proud that he voted Gerakan he would tell the whole world that he did so, much to my mother’s horror who would tell him to shush. He had high hopes that the days of racial politics had come to an end and that the future lies with multi-racial parties like Gerakan, which was headed by a whole bunch of intellectuals.

And I suppose that is why I think the way I think and do things that I do. My father’s ‘indoctrination’ had a lasting affect on me and made me into what I am today, whether that is a good or bad I really do not know.

Anyway, what I wanted to say is: knowing my father, and hence knowing you as well — unless I am wrong in my assessment — it may be prudent that you gracefully resign from DAP. Since what you stand for is not quite what DAP also stands for, your graceful exit on the understanding that you have agreed to disagree would mean you can still remain friends although you may not quite share the same views.

I started this piece by laying out your track record to remind all of us that you have contributed immensely to the nation. However, that one slip, if I may be permitted to call it that, is going to tarnish everything that you have done. Malaysians will never remember the 1,000 good things that you did. They will only remember the one thing that you did, which they do not agree with.

The trouble with you, Tunku, is that you think like an Englishman. Hence, if it is not cricket, as they say in England, you will speak your mind. But in politics you can’t do that. You need to toe the party line. You have to do what is good for the party. And if you can’t do this then you have no business being in the party.

I trust what I say will be taken in the spirit it has been said. I certainly mean no disrespect. The fact that I have drawn parallels between you and my father demonstrates the tremendous respect I have for you. It is just that the longer you remain in DAP the more they will demonise you. And for someone who has done so much for the nation you really do not deserve the things they are saying about you or what they are doing to you.

I do hope we can one day meet again, maybe here in the UK, where we can shoot the breeze and talk about the good old days when Malays and Malaysians in general were decent human beings who put the nation above self-interest.

Till we next meet, Tunku, may salam to you and the family.

Rajapetra On What’s Next after Bersih 3.0

May 3rd, 2012

And what is the will of the people? The people want free, fair and clean elections. Only through a free, fair and clean election will the country see changes. But how do you see a free, fair and clean election if there is no change? And how would you see change if there are no free, fair and clean elections? That is what is called a Catch 22 situation. You need change to see the elections that you want. But you will never see change unless the election system first changes.

From THE CORRIDORS OF POWER
By Raja Petra Kamarudin

Now that Bersih 3.0 is over and the euphoria has subsided a bit, maybe we can get back down to ‘normal’ business. But then what would we regard as normal in the context of Malaysia? I suppose there is nothing that can be considered normal when it comes to Malaysia. After all, Malaysia is not a normal country so the definition of normal would not apply here.

How can Malaysia be regarded as normal when the government shouts One-Malaysia but Malaysia is not one. Malaysia is a country of four classes of people. At the top echelon is the Umnoputra, the ruling elite. Next comes the Rajaputra, the members of Malaysia’s Royal Family that can literally get away with murder. Then we have the Bumiputera or sons-of-the-soil, the race that receives preferential treatment. Finally, at the bottom of the list is what we call the non-Bumiputera, those whose ancestors came from India or China 500 years or so ago and became Malaysian citizens in 1957.

Yes, some Malaysians are 20 generation citizens but they are still considered ‘immigrants’ while others who are second generation citizens can go on to become the Prime Minister of Malaysia. If that can’t be considered abnormal then I do not know what can.

Would the word ‘normal’, therefore, apply to Malaysia? Malaysia is a secular nation with Parliamentary elections and a Constitutional Monarchy. Absolutism was abolished when the Straits Settlements, Federated Malay States and Unfederated Malay States were abolished and merged into the Federation of Malaya when independence or Merdeka was granted by the British in 1957. Yet you can get punished under Malaysia’s Sedition Act if you criticise the Crown just like during the time of Henry VIII or Elizabeth I hundreds of years ago in England when the Monarch was ‘appointed by God’ and absolutism ruled the realm.

Malaysia is certainly a contradiction of the highest degree. And only in secular Malaysia can God’s law be imposed on Muslims and punishment meted out for crimes against God like just like during the time of Henry VIII or Elizabeth I hundreds of years ago in England when the Monarch was appointed by God and absolutism ruled the realm.

Hence, what is normal? Normal is what the ruling elite says is normal. And one man’s meat is another man’s poison.

Malaysians are faced with a Catch 22 situation. And if you do not understand what Catch 22 means then go look it up. We need to see major reforms in Malaysia. Malaysia is still living in the past. As the ex-Prime Minister Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said, Malaysia is a country with first-world infrastructure but third-world mentality.

This is actually very true. If you were to read the comments in Malaysia Today made by so-called ‘progressive’ Malaysians you can see that these are comments by people with a third-world mentality. Right can be wrong and wrong can be right as long as it suits their agenda. They would readily apply the rule of the ends justifying the means when it is in their favour and oppose this concept when it works against them. The Malays call this ‘matlamat menghalalkan cara’.

Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak understands and appreciates this. After all, he is very westernised in his thinking, as is his entire family. But understanding and appreciating it is one thing. Whether he can do anything about the matter is another thing altogether.

Yes, Najib knows what needs to be done. And he realises that if he does not do what needs to be done then Umno and Barisan Nasional are at the end of their days. But he is not at liberty to do the right thing. And he is not at liberty because he is not really the Prime Minister. He is merely a de facto Prime Minister. But then was this not the dilemma faced by many leaders over the last 200 years since the late 1700s who had to allow circumstances to dictate what they do and paid a heavy price for resisting the will of the people?

And what is the will of the people? The people want free, fair and clean elections. Only through a free, fair and clean election will the country see changes. But how do you see a free, fair and clean election if there is no change? And how would you see change if there are no free, fair and clean elections? That is what is called a Catch 22 situation. You need change to see the elections that you want. But you will never see change unless the election system first changes.

It is almost like a chicken and the egg situation. Which comes first, the chicken or the egg? Which comes first, changes or free, fair and clean elections? Without changes there will not be any free, fair and clean elections and without free, fair and clean elections there will never be change.

And this is not the dilemma facing just Malaysians but also Najib’s dilemma as well. Najib is not stupid. After all, he studied in England. He knows the history of the Congress of Vienna of 1815. The Congress of Vienna was a move to defend the rule of absolutism and to deny the people democracy and self-rule. But that same Congress accelerated the downfall of absolutism and triggered the revolutions of the 1840s and the creation of republics all over Europe during the second half of the 1800s.

Those who ignore history are doomed to repeat its mistakes. Najib knows this. But can you change the course of history? They thought they could, 200 years ago in Europe. But history has shown us that you can’t. Ultimately, the people’s will decides the course of history. And, today, Malaysia is where Europe was 200 years ago.

And that is how I see Bersih 1.0, Bersih 2.0 and Bersih 3.0 last weekend. I will stop here for now while you digest what I have just said. But I am certainly far from finished. So stay tuned where I will take you through the second and maybe third parts of this analysis. In Oxford they only allow you 1,000 words for your essay and my essay has already exceeded this word limit by almost 50 words.

Press pounces on Anwar and Azmin

May 2nd, 2012

(Malaysian Digest) – PKR de facto leader and deputy president were castigated in a media conference by reporters from various news portals and newspapers as the pair faced accusations of being the culprits responsible for inciting protesters to invade the barricaded Dataran Merdeka during last weekend’s Bersih 3.0 rally.
Both Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Azmin Ali found themselves on the defense during in yesterday’s press conference at the party headquarters, deflecting onslaughts from distraught journalists from both pro-government media as well as those known to have leaning towards the Opposition.

In the wake of yesterday’s heated media conference, Utusan Malaysia ran a story today titled ‘Pembohongan Anwar, Azmin ‘dilondeh’ wartawan’ (Anwar, Azmin’s lies exposed by reporters) where it recounted a Malaysian Digest reporter confronting Anwar at the press conference by saying that he had clearly heard what Anwar had told the protesters during Saturday’s ‘Duduk Bantah’ rally.

“I was near you and I clearly heard you say to the protesters that ‘You can enter Dataran Merdaka… You can enter…’” Malaysian Digest’s Shaik Mohamad Amin Shaik Alaudin told Anwar during the onslaught of criticisms from journalists.

Visibly upset by Shaik Mohamad Amin’s comment, Anwar and Azmin then resorted to accusing Malaysian Digest as well as other media representatives incluing Agenda Daily and The Mole of being “Umno media”.

When pressed further, Anwar tried to divert attention by highlighting that the rally’s ‘300,000’ turnout is of more importance than the issue of protesters breaking through the police barricades which resulted in a riot, marring the demonstration which was planned as a peaceful sit-in.

However, Anwar was confronted once again when a Bersih 3.0 protester, Benjy Lim (left), suddenly came up and accused the Opposition leader of being responsible for causing the chaos.

Lim said Anwar’s purported action of inciting protesters had caused people to be exposed to danger where lives were at risk.

“I know how the police operate in this country because I was not born yesterday. The riot happened because the Opposition started it,” said Lim, who had refused to accept Anwar’s explanation that the police were the ones to blame.

Upon failing to give an objective explanation to Lim’s accusation, Anwar then promised to ‘entertain’ Lim in a separate session as the conference was exclusively for the media.

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